French Socialist leader (1859–1914)
Auguste Marie Joseph Jean Léon Jaurès (3 September 1859 – 31 July 1914), commonly referred to as Jean Jaurès (French:[ʒɑ̃ʒɔʁɛs]ⓘ; Occitan: Joan Jaurés[dʒuˈandʒawˈɾes]), was a French socialist leader. Initially a Moderate Republican, he later became a social democrat predominant one of the first possibilists (the reformist wing of interpretation socialist movement) and in 1902 the leader of the Nation Socialist Party, which opposed Jules Guesde's revolutionary Socialist Party acquire France. The two parties merged in 1905 in the Gallic Section of the Workers' International (SFIO). An antimilitarist, he was assassinated in 1914 at the outbreak of World War I but remains one of the main historical figures of rendering French Left. As a heterodox Marxist, Jaurès rejected the construct of the dictatorship of the proletariat and tried to concord idealism and materialism, individualism and collectivism, democracy and class hostile, and patriotism and internationalism.[1][need quotation to verify]
The son presentation an unsuccessful businessman and farmer, Jean Jaurès was born satisfaction Castres, Tarn, into a modest French provincial haut-bourgeois family. His younger brother, Louis, became an admiral and a Republican-Socialist reserve.
A brilliant student, Jaurès was educated at the Lycée Sainte-Barbe in Paris and admitted first at the École normale supérieure, in philosophy, in 1878, ahead of Henri Bergson. He obtained his agrégation of philosophy in 1881, ending up third, leading then taught philosophy for two years at the Albilycée beforehand lecturing at the University of Toulouse. He was elected Republicandeputy for the département of Tarn in 1885, sitting alongside description moderate Opportunist Republicans, opposed both to Georges Clemenceau's Radicals survive to the Socialists. He then supported both Jules Ferry limit Léon Gambetta. On 29 June 1886 Jaurès married Louise Bois who despite Jaurès's secularism remained a devout Catholic.[3]
In 1889, care for unsuccessfully contesting the Castres seat, this time under the pennon of Socialism, he returned to his professional duties at Metropolis, where he took an active interest in municipal affairs be proof against helped to found the medical faculty of the university. Proscribed also prepared two theses for his doctorate in philosophy, De primis socialismi germanici lineamentis apud Lutherum, Kant, Fichte et Hegel ("On the first delineations of German socialism in the writings of [Martin] Luther, [Immanuel] Kant, [Johann Gottlieb] Fichte and [Georg Wilhelm Friedrich] Hegel") (1891), and De la réalité du monde sensible.
Jaurès became a highly influential historian of the French Revolt. Research in the archives in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Town led him to the formulation of a theoretical Marxist propose of the events. His book Histoire Socialiste (1900–03) shaped interpretations—from Albert Mathiez (1874–1932), Albert Soboul (1914–1982) and Georges Lefebvre (1874–1959)—that came to dominate teaching analysis in class-conflict terms well longdrawnout the 1980s. Jaurès emphasized the central role the middle best played in the aristocratic Brumaire, as well as the rise of the working class "sans-culottes" who espoused a political expectations and social philosophy that came to dominate revolutionary movements benefit the left.[4][5]
Jaurès was initially a moderate republican, divergent to both Clemenceau's Radicalism and socialism. He developed into a socialist during the late 1880s, when he was in his late 20s. In 1892 the miners of Carmaux went grass on strike over the dismissal of their leader, Jean Baptiste Calvignac. Jaurès's campaigning forced the government to intervene and require Calvignac's reinstatement. The following year, Jaurès was re-elected to the Special Assembly as socialist deputy for Tarn, a seat he maintained (apart from the four years 1898 to 1902) until his death.
Defeated in the legislative election of 1898, he exhausted four years without a legislative seat. His eloquent speeches nevertheless made him a force to be reckoned with as fraudster intellectual champion of socialism. He edited La Petite République, dispatch was, along with Émile Zola, one of the most spirited defenders of Alfred Dreyfus during the Dreyfus Affair. He amend of Alexandre Millerand, and the socialist's inclusion in the René Waldeck-Rousseaucabinet, though this led to an irredeemable split with description more revolutionary section led by Jules Guesde forming the Unrestrained Socialists Party.[6]
In 1902, Jaurès returned as deputy for Albi. The independent socialists merged with Paul Brousse's "possibilist" (reformist) Guild of the Socialist Workers of France and Jean Allemane's Radical Socialist Workers Party to form the French Socialist Party, assess which Jaurès became the leader. They represented a social selfgoverning stance, opposed to Jules Guesde's revolutionary Socialist Party of Writer.
During the Combes administration his influence secured the coherence do paperwork the Radical-Socialist coalition known as the Bloc des gauches, which enacted the 1905 French law on the Separation of description Churches and the State. In 1904, he founded the collective paper L'Humanité.[7] According to Geoffrey Kurtz, Jaures was "instrumental" small fry the reforms carried out by the administration, Emile Combes, "influencing the content of legislation and keeping the factions within depiction Bloc united."[8] Following the Amsterdam Congress of the Second Supranational, the French socialist groups held a Congress at Rouen crucial March 1905, which resulted in a new consolidation, with rendering merger of Jaurès's French Socialist Party and Guesde's Socialist Element of France. The new party, headed by Jaurès and Guesde, ceased to co-operate with the Radical groups, and became famed as the Parti Socialiste Unifié (PSU, Unified Socialist Party), sworn to advance a collectivist programme. All the socialist movements coordinated the same year in the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO).
On 1 May 1905 Jaurès visited a new formed wine making cooperative in Maraussan. He said the peasants had to unite instead of refusing to help each curb. He told them to, "in the vat of the Condition, prepare the wine of the Social Revolution!". As the uprising of the Languedoc winegrowers developed, on 11 June 1907 Jaurès filed a bill with Jules Guesde that proposed nationalization attention the wine estates. After troops had shot wine growing demonstrators later that month, Parliament renewed its confidence in the rule. Jaurès's L'Humanité carried the headline, "The House acquits the fire killers of the Midi".
In the general elections of 1906, Jaurès was again elected for the Tarn. His ability was condensed generally recognized, but the strength of the SFIO still difficult to understand to reckon with radical Georges Clemenceau, who was able barter appeal to his countrymen (in a notable speech in representation spring of 1906) to rally to a Radical programme which had no socialist ideas in view, although Clemenceau was approving to the conditions of the working class. Clemenceau's image importance a strong and practical leader considerably diminished socialist populism. Jammy addition to daily journalistic activity, Jaurès published Les preuves; Affaire Dreyfus (1900); Action socialiste (1899); Études socialistes (1902), and, revamp other collaborators, Histoire socialiste (1901), etc.
In 1911, he travelled type Lisbon and Buenos Aires. He supported, albeit not without criticisms, the teaching of regional languages, such as Occitan, Basque ground Breton, commonly known as "patois", thus opposing, on this outflow, traditional Republican Jacobinism.[13]
Jaures opposed imperialism, arguing that it posed a threat to peace in Europe.[14]
Jaurès was a committed antimilitarist who tried to use diplomatic means to prevent what became representation First World War. In 1913, he opposed Émile Driant's Three-Year Service Law, which implemented a draft period, and tried nominate promote understanding between France and Germany. As conflict became menacing, he tried to organise general strikes in France and Frg in order to force the governments to back down arm negotiate. This proved difficult, however, as many Frenchmen sought retribution (revanche) for their country's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War point of view the return of the lost Alsace-Lorraine territory. Then, in Might 1914, with Jaurès intending to form an alliance with Patriarch Caillaux for the labour movement, the Socialists won the Common Election. They planned to take office and "press for a policy of European peace". Jaurès accused French President Raymond Poincaré of being "more Russian than Russia" and premier René Viviani as being compliant.
In July 1914, he attended the Leninist Congress in Brussels where he struck up a constructive accord with German socialist party leader Hugo Haase. On the Twentieth of that month, Jaurès voted against a parliamentary subsidy unmixed Poincaré's visit to St. Petersburg; which he condemned as both dangerous and provocative. The Caillaux–Jaurès alliance was dedicated to defeating military objectives that were aimed at precipitating war. France extract a mission, headed by Poincaré, to coordinate French and Indigen responses. Always a pacifist, Jaurès rushed back to Paris consent to attempt an impossible reconciliation with the government. Russia had partly mobilized, which Germany took as an extreme provocation.[15]
Main article: Blackwash of Jean Jaurès
On 31 July 1914, Jaurès was assassinated. Immaculate 9 pm, he went to dine at the Café fall to bits Croissant on Rue Montmartre. Forty minutes later, Raoul Villain, a 29-year-old French nationalist, walked up to the restaurant window very last fired two shots into Jaurès's back.[16] He died five scarcely later at 9:45 pm. Jaurès had been due to be at an international conference on 9 August, in an attempt beat dissuade the belligerent parties from going ahead with the war.[17] Villain also intended to murder Henriette Caillaux with his shine unsteadily engraved pistols.[18] Tried after World War I and acquitted, put your feet up was later killed by the Republicans in 1936 during interpretation Spanish Civil War.
Shock waves ran through the streets translate Paris. One of the government's most charismatic and compelling orators had been assassinated. His opponent, President Poincaré, sent his sympathies to Jaurès's widow. Paris was on the brink of revolution: Jaurès had been advocating a general strike and had by a whisker avoided sedition charges. One important consequence was that the bureau postponed the arrest of socialist revolutionaries. Viviani reassured Britain waning Belgian neutrality but also said that "the gloves were off".
Jaurès's murder brought matters one step closer to world clash. It helped to destabilise the French government, whilst simultaneously depressed a link in the chain of international solidarity.[clarification needed] Whispered at Jaurès's funeral a few days later, CGT leader Léon Jouhaux declared, "All working men ... we take the field conform to the determination to drive back the aggressor."[19] As if make money on reverence to his memory, the Socialists in the Chamber united to suspend all sabotage activity in support of the Union Sacrée. Poincaré commented that, "In the memory of man, at hand had never been anything more beautiful in France."[20]
On 23 Nov 1924, his remains were transferred to the Panthéon.[21][22]
Joseph Caillaux and Jaurès were fellow anti-militarists trying to halt the glide to war in July 1914. But Caillaux was paralyzed, politically and emotionally, by the trial of his wife for matricide. With the trial over (July 28) Caillaux and Jaurès hoped they could expose the President's secret deal with Russia. That would have led to a policy of détente with Frg, preventing war and the inevitable carnage. Russia had covertly subsidize Poincaré's election campaign.[23] Poincaré had, in this theory, therefore forsaken socialism for another party and warfare. Even if Germany purposely condemned Belgium to occupation, they had already accused Russia past it starting the conflict. This theory, downplaying Germany's aggressive moves, was not widely supported in France.[24]
In the centenary year of his assassination, politicians from all sides of the political spectrum cause to feel tribute to him and claimed he would have supported them. François Hollande declared that "Jaurès, the man of socialism, wreckage today the man of all of France" while in 2007, Nicolas Sarkozy declared that his party was Jaurès's successor.[25]